There are two ways to form yes-no questions in Toki Pona. The first method is to use the “verb ala verb” construction in which ala comes in between a duplicated verb, auxiliary verb, or other predicator. Another way to form a yes-no question is to put “anu seme?” (lit. or what?) at the end of a sentence. It is important to note that questions cannot be made by just putting a question mark at the end of a sentence. Non-polar questions are formed by substituting the unknown information with the interrogative word seme. Toki Pona has basic pronouns: mi (first person), sina (second person), and ona (third person). The pronouns do not specify number or gender.
Sonja Elen KisaSonja KisaToki Poni
Intonation often conveys semantic context in Khmer, as in distinguishing declarative statements, questions and exclamations. The available grammatical means of making such distinctions are not always used, or may be ambiguous; for example, the final interrogative particle ទេ can also serve as an emphasizing (or in some cases negating) particle. The intonation pattern of a typical Khmer declarative phrase is a steady rise throughout followed by an abrupt drop on the last syllable. :ខ្ញុំមិនចង់បានទេ ('I don't want it') Other intonation contours signify a different type of phrase such as the "full doubt" interrogative, similar to yes-no questions in English.
It frequently occurs together with Switch-Reference and is used to structure communicated information. In a neutral sentence, the subject and the non-referential object are unmarked with respect to information structure. When the subject is focused, the focus marker -a (masculine, -ak for feminine) marks the masculine subject. The verb in contrary misses markers for person and grammatical gender and is marked with the focus marker -a instead. Even though both focus markers have the same form, their origin is different and they have different allomorphs. The following sentence is the answer to the question 'Who cooked rice?'.
LakotaLakhotaStandard Lakota Orthography
There are also various interrogative enclitics, which in addition to marking an utterance as a question show finer distinctions of meaning. For example, while he is the usual question-marking enclitic, huŋwó is used for rhetorical questions or in formal oratory, and the dubitative wa functions somewhat like a tag question in English (Rood and Taylor 1996; Buchel 1983). (See also the section below on men and women's speech.) A small number of enclitics (approximately eight) differ in form based on the gender of the speaker. Yeló (men) ye (women) mark mild assertions. Kštó (women only according to most sources) marks strong assertion.
ChineseChinese aspect markersChinese aspects
In wh-questions in Chinese, the question word is not fronted. Instead, it stays in the position in the sentence that would be occupied by the item being asked about. For example, "What did you say?" is phrased as nǐ shuō shé[n]me (, literally "you say what"). The word shénme (, "what" or "which"), remains in the object position after the verb. Other interrogative words include: Disjunctive questions can be made using the word háishì between the options, like English "or". This differs from the word for "or" in statements, which is huòzhě. Yes-no questions can be formed using the sentence-final particle ma, with word order otherwise the same as in a statement.
Yes-no questions have no special grammatical marking, while wh-questions are identified by the presence of a question word, which usually precedes the verb (or other predicate). Subordinate clauses are either introduced by a subordinator in clause-initial position or else are juxtaposed with no subordinating conjunction. Pipil language. Pipil grammar. Campbell, Lyle (1985). The Pipil language of El Salvador. Mouton Grammar Library (No. 1). Berlin: Mouton Publishers. ISBN: 0-89925-040-8 (U.S.), ISBN: 3-11-010344-3. Campbell, Lyle, Terrence Kaufman and Thomas C. Smith-Stark (1986). "Meso-America as a Linguistic Area." Language 62:3, p. 530–570.
Closed-ended question. Echo answer. Interrogative. Yes-no question.
Interrogative pronouns ask which person or thing is meant. In reference to a person, one may use who (subject), whom (object) or whose (possessive); for example, Who did that? In colloquial speech, whom is generally replaced by who. English non-personal interrogative pronouns (which and what) have only one form. In English and many other languages (e.g. French and Czech), the sets of relative and interrogative pronouns are nearly identical. Compare English: Who is that? (interrogative) and I know the woman who came (relative). In some other languages, interrogative pronouns and indefinite pronouns are frequently identical; for example, Standard Chinese 什么 shénme means "what?"
Latin: -que "and", -ve "or", -ne (yes-no question). Greek: τε "and", δέ "but", γάρ "for" (in a logical argument), οὖν "therefore". Russian: ли (yes-no question), же (emphasis), то (emphasis), не "not" (proclitic), бы (subjunctive). Czech: special clitics: weak personal and reflexive pronouns (mu, "him"), certain auxiliary verbs (by, "would"), and various short particles and adverbs (tu, "here"; ale, "though"). "Nepodařilo by se mi mu to dát" "I would not succeed in giving it to him". In addition there are various simple clitics including short prepositions.
free word orderconstituent orderword-order
Thus the following sentences each answer a different question: Latin prose often follows the word order "Subject, Direct Object, Indirect Object, Adverb, Verb", but this is more of a guideline than a rule. Adjectives in most cases go before the noun they modify, but some categories, such as those that determine or specify (e.g. Via Appia "Appian Way"), usually follow the noun. In Classical Latin poetry, lyricists followed word order very loosely to achieve a desired scansion.
Yes-no questions (both direct and indirect) are formed by placing the word czy at the start. Negation uses the word nie, before the verb or other item being negated; nie is still added before the verb even if the sentence also contains other negatives such as nigdy ("never") or nic ("nothing"), effectively creating a double negative. Cardinal numbers have a complex system of inflection and agreement. Zero and cardinal numbers higher than five (except for those ending with the digit 2, 3 or 4 but not ending with 12, 13 or 14) govern the genitive case rather than the nominative or accusative.
It was first described by Plato in the Socratic Dialogues. To solve a problem, it would be broken down into a series of questions, the answers to which gradually distill the answer a person would seek. The development and practice of this method is one of Socrates's most enduring contributions, and is a key factor in earning his mantle as the father of political philosophy, ethics or moral philosophy, and as a figurehead of all the central themes in Western philosophy. The Socratic method has often been considered as a defining element of American legal education.
A display question is a type of question where the questioner already knows the answer. Display questions are used in language education in order to elicit language practice. They are contrasted with referential questions, questions for which the answer is not yet known. The use of referential questions is generally preferred to the use of display questions in communicative language teaching. Richards and Schmidt give the following example: *Rhetorical question Q: Is this a book?. A: Yes, it's a book.
Most English question words begin with this digraph, hence the terms wh-word and wh-question. The spelling changed from to in Middle English. In most dialects it is now pronounced, but some (especially in Scotland) retain the distinct pronunciation /hw/, realized as a voiceless w sound. In a few words (who, whole, etc.) the pronunciation is /h/. For details, see Pronunciation of English ⟨wh⟩. In the Māori language, represents or more commonly, with some regional variations approaching or. In the Taranaki region, for some speakers, this represents a glottalized. In Xhosa, it represents, a murmured variant of found in loan words.
Interrogation. Issue map.
Behavioral therapy — in which a person systematically asks his own mind if the doubt has any real basis — uses rational, Socratic methods. This method contrasts to those of say, the Buddhist faith, which involve a more esoteric approach to doubt and inaction. Buddhism sees doubt as a negative attachment to one's perceived past and future. To let go of the personal history of one's life (affirming this release every day in meditation) plays a central role in releasing the doubts — developed in and attached to — that history. Partial or intermittent negative reinforcement can create an effective climate of fear and doubt.
grammaticalgrammaticallyrules of language
The vast majority of the information in the grammar is – at least in the case of one's native language – acquired not by conscious study or instruction, but by observing other speakers. Much of this work is done during early childhood; learning a language later in life usually involves a greater degree of explicit instruction. Thus, grammar is the cognitive information underlying language use. The term "grammar" can also be used to describe the rules that govern the linguistic behavior of a group of speakers. The term "English grammar", therefore, may have several meanings.
David Brazil and his associates studied how intonation can indicate whether information is new or already established; whether a speaker is dominant or not in a conversation; and when a speaker is inviting the listener to make a contribution to the conversation. Prosody is also important in signalling emotions and attitudes. When this is involuntary (as when the voice is affected by anxiety or fear), the prosodic information is not linguistically significant. However, when the speaker varies her speech intentionally, for example to indicate sarcasm, this usually involves the use of prosodic features.
Many of these new words, particularly information technology terms, have received widespread acceptance. However, the TDK is occasionally criticized for coining words which sound contrived and artificial. Some earlier changes—such as bölem to replace fırka, "political party"—also failed to meet with popular approval (fırka has been replaced by the French loanword parti). Some words restored from Old Turkic have taken on specialized meanings; for example betik (originally meaning "book") is now used to mean "script" in computer science. Many of the words derived by TDK coexist with their older counterparts. This usually happens when a loanword changes its original meaning.
- Subject–auxiliary inversion with yes/no question. a. Larry has done it. b. What has Larry done? - Subject–auxiliary inversion with constituent question. a. Fred has helped at no point. b. At no point has Fred helped. - Subject–auxiliary inversion with fronted expression containing negation (negative inversion). a. If we were to surrender, ... b. Were we to surrender, ... - Subject–auxiliary inversion in condition clause – see. a. Fred stayed. b. *Stayed Fred? - Inversion impossible here because the verb is NOT an auxiliary verb. a. A unicorn will come into the room. b. Into the room will come a unicorn. a. Down the stairs came the dog. - Noun subject. b. ?
when asking a question rather than just "Vous parlez français ?" Both questions mean the same thing; however, a rising inflection is always used on both of them whenever asking a question, especially on the second one. Specifically, the first translates into "Do you speak French?" while the second one is literally just "You speak French?" To avoid inversion while asking a question, 'Est-ce que' (literally 'is it that') may be placed in the beginning of the sentence. "Parlez-vous français ?" may become "Est-ce que vous parlez français ?" French also uses verb–object–subject (VOS) and object–subject–verb (OSV) word order.
Yet, one could still say that transferring the case-information to the article preserved the German case system throughout its development from Old High German to contemporary German. Today, the use of the genitive case is relatively rare in spoken language - speakers sometimes substitute the dative case for the genitive in conversation. But the genitive case remains almost obligatory in written communication, public speeches and anything that is not explicitly colloquial, and it is still an important part of the Bildungssprache (language of education).